Gender is a concept that has evolved with time, varying its meaning and relevance regularly. Today, it manifests across many facets of life. Whilst theories of gender began as a device to categorise individuals and groups, these have evolved into a broad, complex system of identification to describe the uniqueness of the individual. Central to the discussion of gender is the question of how we can understand human conduct and experience in technologically laden marketing environments. Drawing on extant theories, the current chapter examines how the technologically mediated marketing environment (TMME) is increasingly challenging fashion and luxury marketers to reconsider their marketing communications strategies, particularly with the impact of evolving Internet technologies such as social media platforms. The concluding section offers further agenda for future research.

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Digital Marketing

Strategies for Fashion and

Luxury Brands

Wilson Ozuem

University of Gloucestershire, UK

Yllka Azemi

Indiana University Northwest, USA

A volume in the Advances in Marketing, Customer

Relationship Management, and E-Services

(AMCRMES) Book Series

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Names: Ozuem, Wilson, 1974- editor. | Azemi, Yllka, 1988- editor.

Title: Digital marketing strategies for fashion and luxury brands / Wilson

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Description: Hershey, PA : Business Science Reference, [2018]

Identifiers: LCCN 2017008336| ISBN 9781522526971 (hardcover) | ISBN

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Chapter 2

DOI: 10.4018/978-1-5225-2697-1.ch002

ABSTRACT

Gender is a concept that has evolved with time, varying its meaning and relevance regularly. Today, it

manifests across many facets of life. Whilst theories of gender began as a device to categorise individuals

and groups, these have evolved into a broad, complex system of identification to describe the uniqueness

of the individual. Central to the discussion of gender is the question of how we can understand human

conduct and experience in technologically laden marketing environments. Drawing on extant theories,

the current chapter examines how the technologically mediated marketing environment (TMME) is

increasingly challenging fashion and luxury marketers to reconsider their marketing communications

strategies, particularly with the impact of evolving Internet technologies such as social media platforms.

The concluding section offers further agenda for future research.

INTRODUCTION

As an individual grows and evolves, so too does the concept of personal identity. There can often be vary-

ing images of mental identity, including ethical, religious and national identity (Steensma et al., 2013).

However, gendered identity is often viewed as an undimensional and bipolar paradigm (Vantiegham et

al., 2014). An individual's sense of gender is often based on interactions of relevance and congruency

Gender Fluidity in the

Age of Technologically

Mediated Environments:

Implications for Fashion Industry

Mary-Kate Hickman

Debenhams, UK

Wilson Ozuem

University of Gloucestershire, UK

Jummy Okoya

University of East London, UK

23

Gender Fluidity in the Age of Technologically Mediated Environments

with others of the same gender (Steensma et al., 2013). Many authors acknowledge gender identity

as a complex issue, albeit one that has perhaps lost traction (Mishna et al., 2012; Rasmussen, 2009;

Steensma et al., 2013). Vast amounts of literature focus on examining gender identity based on the idea

of man versus woman (Budgeon, 2013; Moghaddam, 2009; Pryzgoda and Chrisler, 2000; Schippers,

2007; Vantieghem et al., 2014). There is, however, limited published research on gender-fluid identity,

especially in terms of how this identity is expressed through fashion and clothing.

This chapter examines how gendered clothing for children can possibly predetermine clothing

choices in adulthood. Tajfel (1982) states that when faced with new situations, children draw on previ-

ous experiences as a reference point for how they should conduct themselves. Tajfel's social identity

theory (1982) emphasises that children from varying cultures behave differently. Tajfel (1982) also states

that if a person has knowledge of a child's social background, the child's behaviour can be predicted.

Therefore, it is possible that if children have been exposed to strict gender colour-coding in the past,

their predetermined behaviour may be to choose pink or blue items when allowed to select their own

clothing. However, as Trepte (2006) observes, Tajfel's social identity theory (1982) uses assumptions

from an entire social group and does not take individuality into consideration. This may indicate that

predetermined behaviour may not always be applicable to individual children when observing gender-

coded actions. Conversely, existing literature on social identity theory does not discuss how a child can

utilise unisex fashion to move away from a gender-coding upbringing (Hutchinson, 2011; Maye, 2014;

Paoletti, 2012, 2015; Sweet, 2015).

Ismail (2012) states that a significant obstacle facing modern marketers and brands is how to suc-

cessfully market innovation. Previously innovations could be marketed using brand extension strategies.

However, He and Li (2010) state that in today's modern fashion world, brand extension no longer has

to be product-based, as technology creates such brand extension. As technology can provide extensions

to a brand, technology can also extend the idea of gender. Kwahk and Ge (2012) state that the Internet

strengthens social circles, rather than narrowing them. Xiang and Tang (2010) state that innovation is the

inventor of fashion, whilst Simmel (2001) argues that fashion is the pursuit of change and peculiarity. In

harnessing the power of technology and innovation, the concept of a sole, dichotomous variable within

gender is long gone. Due to the success of the Internet and social media, brands are now constantly

seeking out further trend developments (Ozuem, Howell and Lancaster, 2008; Lusch, 2007; Webster,

1992) in order to expand their customer base. However, there is a paucity in the literature with regard to

how brands harness the power of gender within today's fashion industry in order to create experimental

fashion and increase customer interest (Huber, 2008; Lamrad and Hanlon, 2014; Spade, 2008, 2013;

Vanska, 2014; Ozuem and Lancaster, 2014).

This chapter contributes to existing research based on gender and fashion in a number of ways. Whilst

current literature discusses gender as a rigid concept, there is an obvious paucity of literature discuss-

ing gender as a fluid theory, both in everyday life and in the modern fashion industry. By evaluating

the concept of modern gender, the findings of this chapter enhance existing literature on the effects of

gender on the modern fashion industry.

BACKGROUND

In ancient Greece men and women wore tunics and cloaks that featured bright colours and patterns,

and the only real variation between genders was the length of the fabric used. Men would wear their

24

Gender Fluidity in the Age of Technologically Mediated Environments

tunics above the knee: a length that was introduced to better suit exercise and allow movement, labour

or horse riding (Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2003). However, Lee (2015) observes that being naked

in Ancient Greece was also a form of dress, as it provided a true expression of the individual, in a way

that no robe could ever do.

Clothing was initially a way to shield the wearer from the elements, and it was perceived to provide

protection from evil spirits. Clothing later became a way to preserve modesty and shame (Lee, 2015).

Some argue that the original idea of clothing as a means to protect one's dignity came from Adam and

Eve: characters from the Christian Bible. The Bible tells that Adam and Eve were free of sin and felt

no shame in being naked. However, once they ate from the Tree of Knowledge 'then the eyes of both

of them were open' (Genesis 3:7) to sin, and also to their nakedness. Hamilton (2001) observes that

the practice of wearing clothing is a result of man learning the truth between good and evil. Cloth and

clothing continue to be mentioned in the Bible, which rules that different blends of fabrics should not

be worn, and that those who wear strange clothing will be punished (Leviticus 19:19; Zephaniah 1:8).

Lamb (2011) observes that clothing rules have been a reflection of societal issues for some time and

that the rules in the Bible might appear confusing to those currently reading it.

The 'androgynous' fashion style first emerged in Hollywood in the 1930s with German actress

Marlene Dietrich, who would wear trousers on set and in films (McClean, 2011). Dietrich, clothed in

such attire as 'a brown suit and … a scarlet neck-tie' (Dreyer, 2006), would often make headline news,

shocking audiences all over Europe and America. Murphy (2013) states that Dietrich conceptualised

fashion as a vehicle for identity expression. Within luxury fashion, Yves Saint Laurent is often attrib-

uted with designing the first fashion line aimed at women but inspired by men (Kennedy et al., 2013).

In 1966 Saint Laurent 'reinterpreted the masculine wardrobe for women' (Kennedy et al., 2013, p. 336)

and named the subsequent style Le Smoking. Le Smoking was part of the 'Pop Art Collection' and drew

inspiration from the women's movement (Geczy and Karaminas, 2012). The collection was worn by

the famous and chic, including Bianca Jagger, Catherine Deneuve, Liza Minnelli and Lauren Bacall

(Black, 2013). Since then many designers have explored the concept of gender using avant-garde and

postmodern techniques (Crane, 2000).

Paoletti (2015) states that unisex fashion fully emerged in the mid-1960s, peaked in 1968, and pro-

gressed into the 1970s. According to Hillman (2015) unisex fashion was seen in flares and long hair worn

by men, and short hair and even shorter skirts worn by women. Unisex fashion then transitioned through

the 1980s into the 1990s as a trend that implied equality and acceptance (Arnold, 2001). In the 1990s

the unisex trend of grunge saw both men and women in Dr. Martens boots, baggy denim and oversize

T-shirts (Hemmingway and Hemmingway, 2015). Today, unisex fashion reflects trends of minimalism

(Dimant, 2011; Walker, 2011), allowing both genders to appreciate the style and silhouettes.

Contextualisation and Theoretical Framework

Gender is a concept that has evolved with time, varying its meaning and relevance regularly. Today, it

manifests across many facets of life. Whilst theories of gender began as a device to categorise individuals

and groups, these have evolved into a broad, complex system of identification to describe the uniqueness

of the individual (Butler, 2015; Davis, 1997; Moi, 2001). Extensive exploration of gender as a concept

has generated many varied definitions, all of which contribute to furthering the shape and complexity

of modern ideas about gender.

25

Gender Fluidity in the Age of Technologically Mediated Environments

The term 'gender' is often misinterpreted to define an individual's biological sex, rather than in-

dividual behavioural and sociological subtle characteristics (Pryzgoda and Chrisler, 2000). Men and

women are classically defined as two distinct groups, due to a socially contrasted binary and hierarchy

(Budgeon, 2013; Schippers, 2007). However, within the spectrum of gender, the generic characteristics

of men and women can often be defined and identified differently. Men, as a sex, strive for domination

and hope to conquer nature and the world (Hennessey, 2016). However, masculinity is identified as

a socially constructed role and ideal, created by male conformity in order to contrast with femininity

(Schippers, 2007; Smiler, 2004). Masculinity, within gender, is not possessed but is procured through

masculine activities (Schippers, 2007). Although patriarchal society often governs and exploits gender

relations (Budgeon, 2013), egalitarian feminists argue that women are burdened and confined by their

own reproductive destiny (Hennessey, 2016). Beauvoir (1997) identifies women as the 'victim' of the

sexes (1997, p. 52), as they are 'bound to their body' eternally (1997, p. 97). However, Beauvoir (1997)

suggests that although sex is biologically predetermined, gender is socially constructed as a result of

learned behaviours: 'One is not born, but rather becomes, a woman' (Beauvoir, 1997, p. 295). When one

extrapolates from this, the concept of gender can be understood as fluid and transformational.

Gender, as a concept, must be conceived as a societal issue, in order for resolution and clarifica-

tion to be achieved. As the clarification and outcome of gender is asymmetric (Lommerud, 2015), any

conceptualisation can be achieved through the theory of self-fulfilling prophecy. Self-fulfilment links

strongly to feelings of social rejection, as those who crave acceptance often receive the most rejection,

resulting in feelings of inferiority (Stinson et al., 2011). In order to avoid social rejection, individuals

can conform to gendered stereotypes and expectations (Oberst et al., 2016).

Martin and Voorhies (1975) introduced the concept of a 'third gender' in order to provide conceptual

clarification to those ostracised by the only descriptive choice of 'man' or 'woman'. Those who feel

excluded from gender dichotomous labels will have progressed through the five stages of internal gender

progression (Hoffman, 2006). Firstly, an individual is ignorant of discrimination and a lack of equality;

secondly, a crisis is reached leading to inequality realisation; thirdly, in-depth reflection and exploration

follows, then internal balance is achieved, and finally action is taken. This theory of progression within

gender allows for each person to experience their own individual concept. Continuing cultural and social

factors can enhance or diminish individual gender progression.

Gender has now become a medium and vehicle for self-expression, and it creates the basis for ideo-

logical foundations. In the past decade, social media and technology have transformed the conceptual

idea of gender due to increased communication capabilities and heightened observation (Kwahk and Ge,

2012). Gender is considered the most important characteristic related to engagement on social media due

to behaviour prediction (Shi et al., 2016). Kaplan and Haenlein (2010) define social media as systems

built on 'ideological and technological foundations' (Kaplan and Haenlein, 2010, p. 61). Kim and Ko

(2012) state that social media encourages word of mouth and interactions through entertainment. Using

social media, users now have the ability to broadcast multiple messages about gender on a global scale.

Issues of gender can be presented through serious discussion or through entertaining, customised images

and videos, which express personal style (Ferwerda et al., 2015).

Social media usernames can also allow individuals to manoeuvre through the Internet without gen-

dered preconceptions or labels (J. Smith, 2014). Social media and technology allow equal user access,

enabling uniform information-seeking for men and women. This has created gender evolution through

knowledge and education (Hupfer and Detlor, 2006). Furthermore, as many businesses increase their

online presence, individuals are able to supplement their social identity and gender based on associations

26

Gender Fluidity in the Age of Technologically Mediated Environments

and virtual interactions with brands, bloggers and celebrities (Azemi and Ozuem, 2016; Edelman, 2012;

Fromm and Garton, 2013; Gorin and Dubied, 2011). Online platforms such as blogs promote positive

self-esteem and self-image (Titton, 2015), thus solidifying gender identity. This increased capability of

self-expression creates a democratic platform on which users feel more comfortable expressing experi-

ences (Susarla et al., 2012) related to gender. This in turn encourages social learning and understanding.

Social media is able to publicise the evolving symbolic and conceptual meaning of gender in order to

create global gender self-confidence (Hoffman, 2006; Schippers, 2007). Since access to technology has

increased alongside social media usage, gender has evolved into a multidimensional concept (Egan and

Perry, 2001) moving away from predetermined social stereotypes (White and White, 2006). This chapter

focuses on exploring how the concept of gender has influenced the modern fashion industry.

Gendered Colour-Coding

The concept of gender has evolved with time, creating diverse meanings for different cultures across

the world. However, as Kaiser (2011) suggests, gender is constantly under construction, never arriving

at an ultimate, permanent end.

Although gender has no definitive end, it has a very clear inception for each modern person at birth.

Ehrensaft (2011) states that the assignment of 'boy' or 'girl' on a birth certificate is the first of many

gendered assumptions that an individual receives throughout life. The next gendered item a baby receives

is usually a hospital hat coloured in either pink or blue. Immediately, the treatment of the baby is altered

depending on the colour of the hat it receives (Fine, 2011). Such differentiated treatment continues during

the rest of the baby's life. In Germany, parents have the option to leave the baby's gender as 'indetermi-

nate' on birth certificates and this is also the case in Australia, Nepal and Bangladesh, which all have a

third option available for gender categorisation (BBC News, 2013).

In the 21st century, the colours pink and blue are used in association with newly born girls and boys

respectively. However, Paoletti (2012) argues that although pink and blue took on gender associations in

the 1860s, these associations did not enter mainstream popularity until the 1950s. Moreover, pink was

originally considered a robust and confident colour, representing masculinity (Kaiser, 2011). In contrast,

blue was considered a soft colour and Krijnen (2015) observed its strong connotations of the Virgin

Mary: a representation of ultimate femininity. Oncu and Unluer (2012) state that gender colour-coding

may have prehistoric origins, as women are drawn to pinks and reds, as were hunters and gathers who

needed to be able to identify berries in the wilderness. However the findings of Paoletti (2012) indicate

that pink–blue gender-coding is a relatively new cultural phenomenon that followed the First and Second

World Wars, creating a significant paradigm shift in gender colour-coding. Oncu and Unluer (2012) state

that in Nazi Germany, pink triangles were used to identify homosexuals within concentration camps.

Subsequently connotations of pink and femininity spread across Europe. Conversely, Paoletti (2012)

claims that the post-war 'baby boom' generation was responsible for increasing the popularity of pink–blue

gender-coding. This generation experienced higher disposable incomes than their parents before them,

and consequently embraced modern consumerism. In 1950 the household disposable income per head

was £3,684, and this number grew to £4,754 by 1960 (The Telegraph, 2011). Paoletti (2012) states that

when baby clothes began to be mass produced in the 1950s, in order to satisfy new consumerist views,

retailers became confused over which colour signified which gender and many attempted to make one

rule for all (Paoletti, 2012).

27

Gender Fluidity in the Age of Technologically Mediated Environments

Colour-coding can provide clarification and ease for families in ensuring that their baby is recog-

nised by others as being the 'correct' gender. Rand (2012) states that wearing pink or blue is an ancient

tradition that modern families have an attachment to, and it is reinforced throughout the child's infancy,

childhood and adolescence. Wood and Fixmer-Oraiz (2013) claim giving a baby colour-coded clothing

creates an artificial message, reinforced by artefacts (blankets, hats etc.) that are devoid of tangible mean-

ing. The general public typically identify a child's gender based on the visual cue of colour displayed in

the child's artefact (Bollich, 2012). This is one reason why parents may choose to use pink and blue to

associate their child with their respective gender group. Kaiser (2011) suggests that gender ambiguity

was previously accepted, and at times relished. Prior to the 21st century infants wore long white gowns

in varying lengths dependent on age, offering no characteristics to distinguish between male and female.

According to Wood (2005), modern society is highly gendered and giving children pink and blue coding

provides them with the tools to navigate themselves through different personal and professional gender

obstacles, such as pay gaps and gender bias within certain industries. However, Sweet (2015) reports

that restricting choice in a child's clothing can limit skills development. Welsgram et al. (2014) state

that when children dress in and play with specific gendered items, cognitive development is limited,

as only skills and competencies associated with gendered items are gained. Shaw (1995) observes that

in using object-relation theory, obstacles are important as they maintain an individual's connection to

desire, creating motivation.

Children develop into active participants in the gendering process long before they are mature enough

to be aware of the social importance of gender (Bollich, 2012). Most children acquire a basic sense of

gender and identity between two and three years of age (Bollich, 2006); however, many parents provide

gender-coded clothing long before this age. More specifically, Eliot (2009) states that the presents that

a child receives on their first birthday can be a significant marker in the child's development regarding

gender colour-coded clothing. Further to this, Eliot (2009) postulates that the clothing the child receives

on their first birthday is worn until the second birthday, reinforcing gender by creating a foundation of

personal understanding. Oncu and Unluer (2012) state that when a child reaches three or four, they are

able to absorb and understand cultural expectations of their sex and gender. Although children learn

gender roles from primary 'socialisation agents', such as their family and teachers, their peers and mass

media act as secondary agents, creating gendered meaning (Navarro, 2014). Gendered behaviours then

begin to solidify through adolescence (Lazarides et al., 2014). This manifests later in adult life as sub-

conscious and automatic involvement (Cunningham and Macrae, 2011).

Lurie (2000) observes that as fashion develops through different eras and cultures, a language is

created, and just as in other languages there must be vocabulary and grammatical rules. The vocabulary

of clothing can be identified as accessories, perfumes, hairstyles and body decoration (Lurie, 2000).

Mohebbi (2014) states that colour has its own unique and special language that evokes meaning and

emotion for each individual. According to Chomsky's theory of innateness, every child is born with the

capacity for language, and it could be argued that a child can also be born with an innate capacity for

colour, and therefore for gendered meaning.

According to gender schema theory, individuals ignore information inconsistent with their own gender

stereotype (Chrisler, 2010; Navarro, 2014). Weisgram et al. (2014) state that a child's interest in certain

clothing will increase when the media deems it 'appropriate' for their gender, incorporating it into their

personal gender schema. Navarro (2014) states that it is a child's socialisation agents that provide negative

consequences if preferences are shown that are deemed inconsistent with and inappropriate to gender

schemata. Individuals are programmed to pay attention to information that is consistent with their own

28

Gender Fluidity in the Age of Technologically Mediated Environments

stereotype. One such example is gendered clothing. However, investing in unisex fashion for children

and adults may flout this theory, as genderless fashion is independent of male and female stereotypes.

LoBue and DeLoache (2011) state that children become their own 'gender detective'. Kohlberg (1966)

states that children will actively seek out information in order to conform to personal gender norms.

Many children and also adults conform to gendered clothing, as according to Bem (1993), gender is held

at too high a superficial level. The author argues that a complicated thought process is created between

potential external judgment and personal desire.

It could be argued that gender colour-coding continues into adulthood. For example, Hutchinson

(2011) states that men prefer not to wear pink and cite avoidance of ridicule from male colleagues and

friends as a primary reason. However, Maye (2014) argues that boys and men who wear female fashion

can experience a much-needed break from the masculinity that society expects from them. It could be

argued that unisex clothing provides individuals with a different avenue to explore fashion, without

gendered labels previously experienced in gender-coding as a child.

Gender and Technology

Van Deursen et al. (2011) state that constant changes in society require new skills, just as development

in technology requires new and digital skills. Due to the assumption that users have digital skills, over-

coming barriers and seeking information can be difficult on the Internet (van Deursen et al., 2011). As

younger users have had Internet exposure their whole lives, Internet use is often perceived as easier and

more regular. However, Durndell and Haag (2002) observe that women often have less positive views,

more anxiety and lower computer self-efficacy than men. This may be on account of the Internet and

similar technologies being constantly identified as not gender-neutral at all (Smith-Doerr and Feldscher,

2007; Ozuem 2004). Wajcman (2000) states that technology is perceived as masculine and, as Smith-

Dooer and Feldscher (2007) state, gender and technology arguably co-create each other. Schwanen et

al. (2014) observe that women dominate the use of domestic technologies such as vacuum cleaners,

washing machines and ovens. They therefore view the Internet as a toy, in contrast to men who view it

as a tool. Although this gendered technological explanation could be viewed as outdated, Gupta (2015)

argues that the relationship between gender and technology may be static over time and space. Li and

Kirkup (2007) state that this may be due to gendered searching and website behaviour, as men use the

Internet for chat rooms and gaming, whilst Schumacher and Morahan-Martin (2001) state that men have

greater Internet experience and skills. By contrast, gendered Internet behaviour for female users mainly

consists of online shopping, and this creates a technology-gender gap (Whitley, 1997). Although gender

differences in Internet use are declining, Durndell and Haag (2002) observe that gendered power rela-

tions and struggles exist in different forms in the world, including in online formats. Joiner et al. (2012)

observe that gender differences within technology reflect great societal gender disparities.

Female users who shop online are more involved with fashion and have higher fashion fanship in

comparison to men (Pentecost and Andrews, 2010). A vast amount of unisex fashion is available online,

and as women often spend their Internet time online shopping, their exposure to diverse fashion trends

including genderless fashion may be higher. Women also have less gender-stereotyped views of the

Internet (Li and Kirkup, 2007), which may explain why women have a higher interest in ungendered

fashion, due to fewer preconceived notions of online gender restrictions.

According to Porter (2001), if companies want to remain successful and competitive in today's

market, they need to harness the power of the Internet. However, following the economic recession of

29

Gender Fluidity in the Age of Technologically Mediated Environments

2008, many companies struggled to stay afloat. Recession can affect business in two ways: firstly by

significantly reducing cash flow and income, and secondly by vastly reducing employment opportunities.

These effects were seen when brands such as HMV, La Senza and Woolworths ceased trading (Daley,

2009). Over the past decade many brands have begun to adopt different technologies to monitor store

footfall and shopping conversion rates (Kirkup, 1999). The monitoring technology may have identified

a drop in consumer footfall as 60% of consumers now prefer online shopping to conventional shopping

in stores (Dittmar et al., 2004). UK online retail grew 16.2% in 2015 (Retail Research, 2016; Ozuem et

al 2017), and overall online shopping is estimated to grow over 110% in the next decade (Portas, 2011).

By 2016 online sales will reach $327 billion, an increase from $202 billion in 2011 (Yu et al., 2012).

Mobile commerce (m-commerce) grew 36% in 2015, with events such as Black Friday seeing a

95% increase in revenue (Saeed, 2015). Chang et al. (2014) observe that m-commerce popularity has

grown due to innovative wireless technology, the improvement of online applications (including online

banking) and heightened online security. Contrary to these figures, desktop adverts are still three times

more expensive than mobile ads (Earley, 2014). Lower costs perhaps allow smaller brands to harness

mobile technology, which could allow heightened promotion for unisex brands, since many such brands

are smaller and therefore have a smaller marketing budget. M-commerce is also considered fresh and

exciting, and it could be argued that excitement is exactly what is missing from most brick-and-mortar

environments. Perhaps bringing more unisex clothing to the high street could provide the retail industry

with a much-needed injection of excitement and experimentation. Unisex clothing appears to have enor-

mous appeal to younger shoppers, who are looking for something new (SCMP, 2014). Unisex clothing

already has a strong online presence evidenced by a 49.7% rise in checkout visits for unisex clothing in

2012 (Heslop, 2013).

Today's shoppers tend to be extremely sophisticated, and generally knowledgeable (Portas, 2011). As

a consequence of this, alongside the rise of information sharing via the Internet, many brands within the

fashion industry are rethinking traditional practices (Ross, 2010) in order to attract and excite customers.

It could be argued that unisex fashion allows brands to rethink traditional practices, and unisex fashion

provides many with ultimate identity expression, which can result in brand loyalty. Ltifi and Gharbi

(2012) define loyalty as the lasting relationship between brand and consumer due to emotional expres-

sion and connection. Unisex fashion could arguably also provide consumers with much-needed variety

within fashion, reflecting strong modern trends that feature in both luxury and high street retail settings,

such as minimalism (Refinery 29, 2016). Minimalism is also reflected in popular modern websites that

many consumers are attracted to for their visually appealing qualities and easy navigation (Suki, 2013).

Therefore it could be argued that minimalist unisex fashion best suits an online environment, since this

offers compatible atmospheres and layouts. Online unisex fashion may also increase audience size by

not alienating or restricting either men or women.

There has been a rise in transgender culture over the last two decades. Crooks and Baur (2005) at-

tribute an increase in gender reassignment surgery to rigid gender boundaries, such as the allocation of

pink and blue for children. However, this research is largely based on physical gender qualities rather than

associated gender qualities such as clothing. In 1966 the first gender identity clinic in London opened

within Charing Cross Hospital, treating patients suffering from gender-related disorders across the UK.

Waiting lists sometimes reached twelve months (NHS, 2016). The demand for mental health support

tailored specifically to gender issues is high. One pool of patients that the clinic treats is those suffering

with gender dysphoria: a condition related to the emotional stress patients feel having a disassociation

with their biological gender (NHS, 2016).

30

Gender Fluidity in the Age of Technologically Mediated Environments

One external influence on mental health is bullying, which can create risk profiles, depression and

suicidal tendencies (Bannink et al., 2014). Historically, bullying has been most prominent in educational

and professional settings. However, the emergence of social media has created a further platform for

bullying. Habermas (1992) states that during the mid-20th century a plateau was reached that created

high barriers of entry for television, radio and media, leaving room for the Internet to reinvent the public

sphere of communication. According to Pinkhasov et al. (2014), lowered barriers of entry to social media

create a powerful platform for creativity and self-expression that is fuelled by transparency created by

modern technology. Mishna et al. (2012) state that many individuals use the Internet and social media

as a means to explore personal identity using many different cross-cultural interactions. However, when

expressing identity, many have experienced cyber-bullying on social media platforms. The Internet

paradox states that the Internet creates paradoxical effects on social technology and social behaviour

(Jackson et al., 2001) created by reduced social involvement and psychological welfare. The key argu-

ment is that perceived Internet expression can be damaging to the individual, and to society as a whole

(Ozuem, Howell and Lancaster, 2016).

Cyber-bullying is defined as any bullying that takes place through any Internet platform, using mo-

bile phones or computers (Balakrishnan, 2015). Such bullying can occur regardless of space and time

(Rey et al., 2016). Wang (2012) defines cyber-bullying as a continuation of traditional bullying. Central

to this argument is the idea that traditional victimisation is still experienced and this can often lead to

psychological problems and further emotional distress, as the victim cannot easily defend themselves

(Brewer and Kerslake, 2015; Wang et al., 2009). Agatston et al. (2007) argue that cyber-bullying oc-

curs due to reduced adult supervision online which inevitably leads to high-risk behaviour. Wang et al.

(2009) note that boys are often more likely to be cyber-bullies whereas there is no gender distinction

in victimisation. Conversely, Baker (2010) argues that girls are more likely to engage in cyber-bullying

as it is a form of relational or verbal assault and a form of aggression ultimately preferred by females.

Agatston et al. (2007) state that women are more likely to identify cyber-bullying in comparison to men,

whereas adolescents are often unwilling to disclose victimisation to parents or teachers for fear of having

Internet privileges revoked.

Cyber-bullies can use many different techniques to bully their victims, including sexual harassment

(Misna et al., 2012). However, Cetin et al. (2011) identify that bully anonymity creates the biggest imbal-

ance of power. Anonymous bullies can attract the attention of other users, therefore increasing observers

and possibly participants (Cetin et al., 2012). Brewer and Kerslake (2015) identify online interactions as

activity that reduces loneliness. Jackson et al. (2001), however, argue that all platforms of the Internet

are isolating for users, due to reduced human interactions in such environments. It could be argued that

this isolation encourages further anonymity, and possibly cyber-bullying. Cochran et al. (2001) state

that discrimination and bullying have significant mental health implications for sexual minorities. It is

therefore possible that those who express gender fluidity publicly may be more susceptible to bullying

and victimisation. Therefore, it could be argued that unisex fashion allows victims of cyber-bullying due

to gender identity to express themselves freely without specific labels and restrictions.

For some individuals, the first instance of bullying comes from non-normative gender behaviour, and

there are numerous examples of this reported in the media. There is now a demand amongst teachers for

more education on the topic of sexuality, and the introduction of gender-neutral uniform. It is hoped that

introducing these into school environments may help pupils feel more secure and comfortable in their

gender, perhaps enabling them to accept their gender amongst their friends at a younger age than they

may otherwise feel able to do (Espinoza, 2016). In 2014 a £2 million fund was created in order to fund

31

Gender Fluidity in the Age of Technologically Mediated Environments

innovative projects to promote learning within schools (Henshaw, 2014). Schools are often assumed to

be neutral environments, enabling self-expression (Payne and Smith, 2013). However, it could be argued

that cyber-bullying directly threatens this principle, as an estimated two million students are harassed

at school due to sexual identity (Watson and Miller, 2012), and many more are bullied through social

media. Therefore, perhaps acceptance of unisex fashion promotes identity equality and education, which

could arguably trickle down into schools and combat cyber-bullying.

Although social media can encourage cyber-bullying, it is also a platform that encourages important

interactions with others. Social media interactions can also be a tool to develop fashion trends, which can

lead to online purchases. Many users also use social media to acquire information about a brand, product

or service. Of these users, some 49% make a purchase decision based on the information acquired (Kwahk

and Ge, 2012). Although many users purchase online due to convenience and time-saving, items can

also be bought as a symbol of perceived current or future traditional identity: a purchase decision more

prevalent with women (Dittmar et al., 2004). Fashion items are often flaunted on social media such as

Instagram as a form of social capital. Field (2003) states that the more an individual shares a common

outlook with others, the higher their social capital. Therefore it could be argued that sharing unisex

fashion on social media creates social capital. Consequently, it could be argued that a large amount of

online conversation surrounding the topic of unisex fashion is based not on views of equality and trend

forecasting, but on amassing 'likes' and followers.

Currently, unisex fashion is in the introduction and, arguably, the growth section of the product life

cycle. Consequently, unisex fashion may see different customer groups in comparison to other fashion

genres. Kotler et al. (2013) state that there are four key customer relationship groups: Strangers, But-

terflies, True Friends and Barnacles. Unisex brands may strive to have True Friends, ensuring long-term

loyalty and high profitability. However, it may be argued that initially genderless fashion might attract

Strangers, customers with short-term loyalty and low profitability. Unisex fashion may also potentially

attract Butterflies, customers with short-term loyalty but high profitability. Analysing consumer groups

may allow unisex fashion brands to attract and target other customers by heightening digital marketing.

Consumers have become tired of traditional technology, and many consumers have preferences when

using the Internet (Ryan et al., 2012). Interactive and innovative digital marketing may be a way to suc-

cessfully reach such customers (Ryan et al., 2012).

For many modern consumers, desire for a product is created in brick-and-mortar stores, with the

consumer then searching for the product online to identify the cheapest price: a process called show-

rooming (Hitt et al., 2015). Although many consumers now prefer Internet shopping, many argue that

omni-channel retail is growing in popularity (Baker, 2014; Ozuem, Pinho and Azemi. 2016; Workman,

2016). Omni-channel retail offers consumers a smooth shopping experience between offline and online

environments, as customers stay fully informed through the five stages of shopping, which are: stimula-

tion, the search for information, purchase, delivery and aftercare (Pantano, 2015). Within omni-channel

retail customers can also use different channels for each of the five phases (Pantano, 2015). However,

it can be argued that a challenge that businesses face is to ensure that the theme and ambiance of the

brand is evident in every channel. This may be difficult, as transforming offline qualities into online

qualities can be problematic. Within digital marketing, e-channels must be identified. However, each e-

channel must then have a different marketing strategy that is appropriate. Chaffey et al. (2009) state that

e-channels thrive on differentials, but channels need to be constantly integrated. The process of selecting

the appropriate e-channels is known as right-channelling (Chaffey et al., 2009). For unisex fashion, it

could be argued that choosing the appropriate e-channel may require deciding whether to market solely

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Gender Fluidity in the Age of Technologically Mediated Environments

on unisex platforms or to share marketing equally between male and female platforms and magazines.

Right-channelling is used to locate and prioritise audiences and consumers. Brands can often identify

which digital marketing strategy to employ based on competitors. However, currently it could be argued

that there is little competition within the unisex fashion industry; therefore brands are creating organic

and unique digital marketing. It is essential for brands to constantly monitor their macro-environment

in order to analyse positive and negative market signals. Chaffey et al. (2015) state that it is insufficient

to monitor macro-environmental changes alone. Indeed, contingency strategies need to be evaluated

and implemented in order to ensure all emerging opportunities and threats are managed appropriately.

Ungendered fashion is a trend that everyday consumers may be unfamiliar with, and that unfamil-

iarity may discourage online purchases. Trust can be identified as the most powerful factor that builds

brand loyalty offline and, more significantly, online (Michael Shaw, 2015). It could be argued that as

consumers lack trust in unisex fashion, sales may potentially be higher in brick-and-mortar environments.

However, as consumers begin to interact and familiarise themselves with genderless fashion, trust and

therefore sales may rise. Conversely, there is limited unisex fashion available in brick-and-mortar stores;

therefore online sales may increase due to convenience, which is one advantage that online retail holds

over brick-and-mortar locations (Elking, 2001; Okonkwo, 2007).

Ungendered clothing provides brands with an online Unique Selling Point (USP), also known as Online

Value Proposition (OVP). The addition of a sustainable competitive advantage online can highlight and

showcase a brand in today's saturated fashion industry. McGrath (2013) argues that online sustainable

competitive advantages are a thing of the past, as competitive advantages can be neutralised by hyper-

competition. Hypercompetition is intense change created by flexibility and innovation due to low-cost

labour, new communications, technology and globalisation (D'Aveni, 1994). However, hypercompetition

may only be relevant to today's high-street brands, as luxury fashion is rarely subject to innovation and

change. Luxury fashion appeals to hedonism, materialism and issues of congruency within self-identity

(Wiedmann et al., 2012). Luxury fashion has a strong social purpose and can be explained through the

luxury value perception theory (Choi, 2014). Luxury value perception theory contains four main dimen-

sions: financial value, functional value, individual value and social value (Mosca et al., 2016). When

buying luxury fashion online, the four dimensions are still present. However, Kapferer and Bastien

(2012) argue that selling luxury online is about dream communication rather than sales. Kapferer and

Bastien (2012) explain that as the Internet heightens penetration rapidly, it simultaneously diminishes the

value of the dream and desire. It could be argued that luxury brands founded the trend of unisex fashion,

therefore consumers may view genderless fashion as a predominantly luxury trend.

Within luxury fashion there is often a level of hegemony between customers and products (Gay et

al., 2007). Personalisation and customisation are two successful online value propositions that remove

homogeny and provide uniqueness. It could be argued that genderless fashion provides personalisation

and customisation, as according to Simmel (2001), fashion is the pursuit of novelty, peculiarity and

beauty which genderless fashion can provide. However, Pinkhasov et al. (2014) state that luxury fashion

requires a balance of scarcity to create exclusivity versus availability online for the general consumer.

Therefore, it could be argued that the sale of unisex fashion online may make the trend too accessible,

thus reducing exclusivity. Kapferer and Bastien (2012) argue that luxury fashion and accessories are

an expression of status and image, rather than gender; it follows therefore that selling luxury unisex

fashion online is not an expression of gender, but of prestige and persona. However, Seringhaus (2005)

states that it is imperative for a luxury brand to build a strong presence online, as the Internet provides a

platform for the expression of brand identity and values. If unisex fashion is showcased online, a strong

33

Gender Fluidity in the Age of Technologically Mediated Environments

brand identity can be created, which Keller (2001) identifies as a key factor for brand success. Also, if a

brand can create congruency between in-store and online identity, brand awareness may be higher. Keller

(2009) identifies brand awareness as recognition of a brand under different circumstances. Therefore

stocking unisex fashion in-store and online will allow higher brand awareness and recognition, potentially

resulting in higher sales and long-term loyalty.

Gender and Evolving Positionality

Schoggen (1989) explains that social impact theory is the level of pressure that an individual feels and

is dependent on the number of external figures. Macas et al. (2014) identify this as social theory based

optimiser. Social impact theory also impacts upon the practices and exercises linked to the decision-

making process (Ahlavist and Rhisiart, 2015). It further influences how an individual obeys simple

social philosophies (Macas et al, 2014). As the number of external figures rises, so too does the pressure

felt by the individual. More pressure will also be felt by individuals of a higher social status (Nowak et

al., 2002; Troitzsch, 1996). As the number of individuals exposed to external pressure increases, how-

ever, the pressure can be shared equally between them and therefore, seemingly, the burden is lessened

(Schoggen, 1989). Social pressure dictates how individuals or 'targets' act (Lantane, 1981). Lantane used

mathematical equations to produce social impact theory, reinforcing the validity of the results. However,

some criticise social impact theory for oversimplifying human interaction (Mullen, 1985). Social impact

theory limits understanding of the conditions of influence, rather than uncovering why influence happens

(Pederson et al., 2008). Mullen (1985) states that social impact theory mainly focuses on emotions such

as embarrassment. Also, Pederson et al. (2008) state that social impact theory may become redundant

after group sizes stretch beyond seven members.

Pederson et al. (2008) state that within social impact theory, society is a self-organising system. Hogg

(2002) states that targets can be affected differently, as it is assumed that targets are evenly distributed

throughout social space. It follows that interactions with other individuals may be varied. However,

Breckler et al. (2005) suggest that when an individual is exposed to more direct social pressure, the impact

the pressure has on them is more powerful – a phenomenon Breckler et al. label immediacy. Immediacy

can be exerted by real, implied or even imaginary presence (Bhondekar, 2011). Furthermore, an indi-

vidual's own attitudes or beliefs, in contrast to the preferences of others, affect immediacy (Hogg, 2002).

However, Bhondekar et al. (2011) state that individual personality differences can be controversial with

regard to parameters of strength within immediacy, as each individual can engage actively or passively.

An individual will alter his or her own position and beliefs if the pressure to do so outweighs the

pressure to remain consistent: a process named dynamic social impact (Hogg, 2002). Nowak et al.

(2002) observe that this process continuously changes, depending on how an individual assesses new

situations amongst others. This is often known as a chain process (Bhondekar et al., 2011). The force

or impact of others within dynamic social situations aims to create an understanding of communities

and cultures (Stangor, 2004). Within social impact theory, cultures and groups continuously grow and

evolve through consolidation, clustering and correlation as diversity increases (Forsyth, 2006). However,

Axelrod's culture model states that change within cultures becomes more likely when neighbours are

alike, and less likely when neighbours contradict each other (Axelrod, 1997). Axelrod's culture model

aims to explain why certain types of cultural norms grow in popularity, for example dress and fashion

becoming popular worldwide (Axelrod, 1997).

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Gender Fluidity in the Age of Technologically Mediated Environments

It can be argued that communication is the main feature needed to create culture, as the more in-

dividuals discuss a topic, the more it becomes a cultural norm, therefore clustering, consolidation and

correlation become by-products of interactive communication (Fieldler, 2015). Within dynamic social

impact theory, individuals who live in close proximity are more likely to influence each other (Morsella,

2009). This may explain why individuals who live in cities are often first to adopt new trends. It could

be argued that this is why unisex fashion was first seen in large cosmopolitan cities such as London and

New York. It could also be argued that, within the fashion community, genderless fashion has evolved

into a social norm as it has been the topic of discussion between big brands, marketers and consumers.

It could also be argued that unisex clothing has become a cultural trait within the fashion industry due

to its transmission through a human community via social learning (Nettle, 1999). As genderless fashion

is discussed more outside the fashion industry, perhaps it will grow into a mainstream fashion trend for

the average individual.

As Schroeder (1995) observes, within large groups, social loafing can occur. Social loafing occurs

when individuals feel overwhelmed within group settings and therefore do not feel individually account-

able (Russell, 2012). However, Baumeister (2008) observes that when individual group members are

recognised, social loafing decreases, as participants no longer feel anonymous in their actions. It follows

that, as unisex fashion grows in popularity, there may be individuals who withdraw their involvement,

and therefore the trend may reach a plateau in popularity.

Social impact theory is data-driven and based on real life examples and observations. It can therefore

perhaps can be extrapolated and used on 'any given situation' (Forgas, 2002, p. 62) to predict gendered

fashion choices. It is possible to extrapolate that if a child receives ongoing social pressure to wear a

gender-coded colour, they may be influenced in specific scenarios – such as choosing clothing. Social

impact theory and immediacy appear to indicate why the social forces of family, schools and hospitals

may be the primary and most significant influencers of a wide range of individual decision-making. As

children age, the media and fashion brands can become the most powerful influencer.

Forgas (2002) states that normative and informational social influence is an individual's dependence

on others that creates influence. Informational social influence occurs when individuals modify their

behaviour depending on the information received from others through words and actions, in order to

maintain personal accuracy (Bordens, 2002). Normative social influence, however, occurs when indi-

viduals alter themselves to conform to the expectations of the group in order to be liked by others (Singh,

2015). Social impact theory alone may not sufficiently support genderless clothing adoption; however,

when normative and informational social influence is considered, this may create a more varied and

layered social explanation.

Gender and Identity

Modern society has differing views of gendered clothing; however, it is generally considered more socially

acceptable for a woman to wear men's clothing than vice versa. Freud (1908) states that women have

innate 'penis envy' that begins at childhood, when girls first realise the historical power of male biology.

However, Robertiello (1970) states that Freud's theory of penis envy is not one of purely chauvinistic

intent, attempting to label women as inferior. One modern expression of penis envy could be wearing

men's clothing to mimic popular masculine styles. However, as Butler (2006) observes, an individual's

biology does not dictate their destiny, and childhood biological jealously does not dictate future adult-

hood decisions. Moi (2001) also suggests that an individual's body is a secondary definition of a person,

35

Gender Fluidity in the Age of Technologically Mediated Environments

rather than a primary one. In 1954 Bettelheim put forward the theory of male womb envy. Just as with

Freud's penis envy (1908), womb envy could be used to interpret why some men wear female clothing

in order to mimic the female style. Unisex clothing may become more widely accepted as a norm within

fashion, as it can satisfy both penis and womb envy, and provide an outlet for the gender conscious.

Today, one in five women chooses not to have children due to career and lifestyle preferences (White-

head, 2009). As the number of women in employment has significantly increased, Johnson and Rodgers

(2006) have observed other changes in society that have affected childbirth numbers, such as the increase

in divorce rates and the increased cost of raising a child. However, as modern women continue to dis-

tance themselves from the pressures placed on them to reproduce, perhaps this also creates distance from

formative gender identity. Davis (1997) states that within feminist theory, the body no longer represents

how an individual fits into society, but it is the ultimate vehicle for self-expression. Perhaps genderless

clothing provides an outlet for self-expression, allowing women to move away from societal expectation.

Rao (1999) suggests that women are often treated as passive symbols within society, remaining

voiceless and without discourse. Tannen (1994) observes that the actions of women are interpreted as

powerless, and can be seen as frivolous, in comparison to men who are interpreted as showing domi-

nance. One aspect of female culture that is seen as particularly frivolous is shopping. Over the past few

decades, the act of shopping has evolved to suit the likes and dislikes of women, evolving into female

gender-normative behaviour that often alienates men in the process. Bhattacharya (1998) notes that this

pattern began to emerge in the eighteenth century, when women were noted for having the tendency

for 'irrational overspending' (Bhattacharya, 1998, p. 82). Black (2013) notes that men's fashion has

changed very little in comparison to women's fashion, therefore men have fewer opportunities to change

their fashion and less need to acquire new styles. This creates a stronger association between women

and fashion, rather than between men and fashion (Black, 2013). However, this concept may soon be

outdated, as in emerging markets such as China, menswear has grown and out-performed womenswear

since 2014 (Wang, 2014). As menswear has grown globally, a broader range of styles and trends has

become accepted as the 'norm' and this includes unisex and traditionally feminine silhouettes. Con-

versely, Blake (2002) argues that when women attempt a counter-culture by bringing masculine aspects

into their personal styles, they are identified as either lesbians or feminists – an opinion placed on them

by both men and women. Davis (1997) observes that when women try to resemble the hegemonic femi-

nine ideal, it is acceptable to critique other women, as it is assumed they are doing so on behalf of men

and not themselves. However, Karen (2015) states that men also strive for hegemonic masculinity, the

culturally idealised form of masculinity, which in today's fashion arena can about trying to achieve a

metrosexual or even genderless style.

CONCLUSION

Fashion has evolved throughout time, turning shocking trends into everyday staples, and therefore brands

that sell unisex clothing may be considered the forerunners of fashion progress. Brands that have not

already utilised gender should consider market research to further explore the findings of this study.

Currently, women pay on average 37% more than men per item in the areas of beauty, cosmetics

and fashion (Cocozza, 2016). It could be argued that introducing more unisex fashion products might

require high-street brands to have uniform pricing across genders. This may have a detrimental effect

on overall profit margins, and be responsible for the removal of the 'pink tax' (Abnett, 2016). Pink tax

36

Gender Fluidity in the Age of Technologically Mediated Environments

is the term that has been coined for the disparity in price between men's and women's clothing. In early

2016, the British government repealed the tax on female sanitary products labelled the tampon tax, and

perhaps the pink tax could be next. Moghaddam (2009) states that gender is biological, and therefore

unchangeable, therefore it could be argued that women should not have to pay more for their gender's

necessities. However, Huber (2008) states that gender is merely a construction of society, therefore

gendered price disparities could also be labelled a mere social and consumerist construction. Unisex

clothing provides an item that has a single price for both genders; therefore it could provide consumers,

and more importantly women, with an opportunity to pay an equal price for fashion. According to Parker

(1988), symbols create vehicles for societal change. Therefore it could be argued that price equality

within unisex fashion creates a symbol of gender identity equality not only for the fashion industry, but

for modern society as a whole.

Some believe there is an ongoing societal misconception that sexual anatomy dictates gender (But-

ler, 2006). Irrespective of this, Butler (2015) proposes that gender is not what a person is or has, but

a conceptual ideal different for each person. Butler (2015) continues by exploring the notion that an

individual's ideal can exist outside the 'naturalised binary' of male versus female, contradicting the

views of genderism. Whilst human biology has remained constant, the cultural context of gender varies

greatly (Sonderegger, 1985). Lakoff (2001) states that it is an immense oversimplification to think of

people as either a man or a woman, as using this dichotomous variable creates two polar opposites, and

most individuals fall in between these two categories. Eckhert (2013) observes that these two strict cat-

egories of masculine versus feminine roles only enable inequalities to be reinforced. It could be argued

that unisex fashion removes this categorisation and thus potentially reduces inequality, by not promoting

one gender identity over the other.

Hillman (2015) states that unisex fashion symbolises freedom of choice for those who are resistant

to the confines of traditionalism. However, Spade (2008) observes that when unisex clothing is created,

sufficient elements are included in order to not completely remove all gender distinction. Therefore

unisex fashion may be a consumerist vision, rather than a legitimate expression of gender. Creating

identity labels for new subcultures can be seen as a way to market new goods and services to consum-

ers. Spade (2008) suggests this is about marketers turning gender into a consumer commodity. Gender

is constantly being reinvented, giving marketers fresh opportunities to sell new products to the trend-

conscious. As unisex fashion comes to the fore, another aspect of gender is used as a marketing tool for

popular culture (Hands, 2004).

Berentson-Shaw (2015) adds that when brands attempt unisex fashion in order to create equality,

irony occurs, with many fashion brands thought to be responsible for treating women with different work-

ing conditions to men in their factories. According to Pawakapan (2013) women in factories are often

harassed, assaulted and, in extreme cases, murdered. It can be argued that the manufacturing of unisex

fashion in such factories contradicts the theory of gender identity equality created in unisex fashion.

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KEY TERMS AND DEFINITIONS

Colour-Coding: Is when pink or blue is used to categorise young children's clothes and toys, affect-

ing their social and behavioural circumstances throughout their future development.

Cyber-Bullying: Is bullying that takes place on any Internet platform as a continuation of traditional

bullying, regardless of space and time.

Gender: Is an individual's behavioural and sociological subtle characteristics, rather than dichoto-

mous biological sex.

Hypercompetition: Is a sustained change of external forces that impact on organisational business

operations due to changes in technology, low-cost labour, new communications, etc.

Non-Normative Gender Behaviour: Defines characteristics and behaviours that are largely and

publicly viewed as gender/sex incongruent.

Social Impact Theory: Is the level of pressure that an individual feels, dependent on the increasing

number of external figures, which is linked to the decision-making process.

Ungendered Fashion: Is clothing with minimal gendered stylistic and trend biases, which allows

any individual to wear the item.

... Personal identity develops as an individual grows up and evolves. Identity can have varying aspects such as national or religious identity [6,7]. The gender identity is considered though, not to have dimensions and is often regarded as having two opposite poles [6] and is based on an individual's relevance with other people of the same gender [7]. ...

... Identity can have varying aspects such as national or religious identity [6,7]. The gender identity is considered though, not to have dimensions and is often regarded as having two opposite poles [6] and is based on an individual's relevance with other people of the same gender [7]. Researchers recognize the complexity of gender identity [6,8]. ...

... The gender identity is considered though, not to have dimensions and is often regarded as having two opposite poles [6] and is based on an individual's relevance with other people of the same gender [7]. Researchers recognize the complexity of gender identity [6,8]. ...

... Over recent years, though, we have observed certain transformations in terms of gender usage in marketing communications whilst concurrently witnessing related shifts in society (Aramendia-Muneta, 2020). Nevertheless, there is limited research regarding the stereotypic perceptions of generations Z and Y members and, moreover, the research on gender-neutral advertising is sparse (Hickman et al., 2019;Stavrianea et al., 2020). ...

... It is clear that as a person grows, changes, and develops, his/her personal identity also undergoes changes and transformations. As suggested in Steensma et al. (2013) as well as Hickman et al. (2019), identity can incorporate a multiplicity of attributes, including religious or national identity. However, gender identity is not thought to include a multiplicity of dimensions. ...

... However, gender identity is not thought to include a multiplicity of dimensions. It is most commonly thought to consist of two opposing poles (Hickman, 2019) and is constructed around the relations of each individual to other persons belonging to the same gender (Steensma et al., 2013). Experts in this area of research accept that gender identity is nuanced and complex (Mishna et al., 2012;Hickman et al., 2019). ...

The advertising industry is well-known for employing commonly used and widely accepted, stereotypical depictions of gender, both in the past, but also today. On the other hand, we are experiencing an ever-increasing number of advertising campaigns and brands which are aimed at questioning dominant stereotypes and ideas around the concepts of what might be understood under the terms 'femininity' and 'masculinity'. This work discusses the research findings relating to the ways in which gender-neutrality is understood through advertising. Specifically, it examines generation Z and generation Y cohort members' perceptions of stereotypes and gender-neutral advertising. Statistical differences between the two generational cohort members regarding stereotypes and gender-neutral advertising are also exploited. The hypotheses were assessed through the use of independent sample t-test analysis. The ensuing discussion is outlined based on outcomes, and advertising tactics are highlighted as part of the communication approaches for brands.

... Sebbene viviamo in un sistema prevalentemente binario, esiste una diversità di altri generi oltre al femminile e al maschile. Ciò è dovuto al fatto che, fin dall'antichità, le persone hanno cercato modi diversi per esprimersi, per non somigliare agli altri (Prodan, 2021) e recentemente è stato ampiamente accettato che l'identità di genere è sfumata e complessa (Mishna et al., 2012;Hickman et al., 2019). Inoltre, la ricerca ha dimostrato che i Millennials e la generazione Z sono meno sensibili alle questioni relative all'identità, agli stereotipi e ai ruoli di genere (Kim et al., 2019). ...

... Infatti, sempre più i brand di lusso (Givenchy, Gucci, Celine, Louis Vuitton, Versace) si sono avvicinati al genderless attraverso collezioni dedicate o integrando alcuni capi nelle proprie collezioni. Tuttavia, la ricerca sull'identità genderless è ancora limitata (Hickman et al., 2019). Quello che ci si chiede, attraverso questo studio, è se la segmentazione di genere rispecchia le esigenze della società odierna e soprattutto dei cambiamenti sociali che le nuove generazioni portano con sé (Coggiola & Coste-Manière, 2021), ovvero: H0: nel settore della moda di lusso la reazione del pubblico è indipendente dalla segmentazione di genere nelle collezioni; H1: nel settore della moda di lusso l'assenza di segmentazione nelle collezioni (collezioni genderless) porta a una reazione negativa del pubblico. ...

  • Barbara Kulaga Barbara Kulaga
  • Elena Cedrola

L'industria della moda, in passato come al giorno d'oggi, segmenta tipicamente il mercato in base al genere, nonostante l'identità sia sempre meno binaria. Gli studi disponibili sull'identità genderless nella moda e l'abbigliamento sono limitati. Il presente studio si propone di contribuire a colmare questo gap indagando la transizione dalla segmentazione di genere al genderless nel settore della moda di lusso. Gli autori intendono investigare la reazione del pubblico nell'industria della moda di lusso; in particolare, con il presente studio ci si chiede se le reazioni alle collezioni gendered o genderless siano indipendenti o se le collezioni dedicate al genderless generino reazioni negative. Lo studio utilizza la qualitative content analysis mettendo a confronto le reazioni del pubblico di Instagram alla presentazione di collezioni gendered e genderless di quattro diversi marchi di lusso (Gucci, Tommy Hilfiger, Marc Jacobs e Stella McCartney). In totale sono stati analizzati 1970 commenti, mostrando come risultato che la reazione del pubblico non è indipendente dalla segmentazione di genere. Le collezioni genderless ottengono reazioni più negative, con commenti di Instagram caratterizzati da toni più aspri per le collezioni genderless rispetto a quelli che si registrano per le collezioni tradizionali, confermando che nell'industria della moda (di lusso in particolare) gli stereotipi legati al genere sono ancora molto forti.

Despite a proliferation of a number of studies on service failures and recovery in e-service settings, there is a paucity of knowledge of ways in which service failures and recovery practices are implemented in the fashion industry. Drawing on constructivist perspective, this study offers a new perspective on an effective relational mechanism that would bridge the rupture between consumers and companies particularly in the on-line fashion sector. The analysis adds to studies on service failures and recovery by elucidating recovery strategies relevant to retailers' operations in on-line environments. This analysis advances knowledge of on-line service failures and recovery in the UK fashion industry. Findings indicate that consumer expectations of service failures and recovery are context driven, which requires companies to fine-tune their recovery strategies to improve recovery satisfaction.